"Anything that comes out of this which is chaotic, or which results in another intifada, or a breakdown in a serious effort toward Palestinian independence in the Gaza inevitably will be seen as an American defeat as well as an Israeli action--certainly in Arab parts of the world," said Samuel Lewis, longtime U.S. ambassador to Israel under Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. "It would imply that any attempt to start a two-state solution, in the near future at least, is seriously doomed."
Bush from the outset has taken a relatively hands-off approach in the Middle East, partly as a reaction to the deep involvement of former President Bill Clinton, who some believe became too enmeshed in the region's messy complexities.
At the same time, Bush has assured allies such as British Prime Minister Tony Blair that he is as interested in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as he was in invading Iraq. But many in the Arab world believe Bush has been overly solicitous of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
Even marginal success in Gaza would go a long way toward answering those criticisms. A functioning Gaza would be a rare symbol of progress in the region instead of another hotspot requiring American attention at a time the U.S. is urgently trying to wind down the war in Iraq and combat terrorism elsewhere in the world.
"I can understand why people think this decision is one that will create a vacuum into which terrorism will flow," Bush said in a recent interview with Israeli television. "I happen to disagree. I think this will create an opportunity for democracy to emerge."
Israel, analysts say, bears the burden of not only fulfilling its promise of withdrawing from Gaza, but also of following through on withdrawals in parts of the West Bank and controlling the expansion of existing settlements. The Israelis also are responsible, some say, for giving the Palestinians breathing room to create a viable economy and government.
Palestinian Authority's load
And the Palestinian Authority bears the burden of preventing militant groups such as Hamas from disrupting the pullout, while swiftly establishing order and the rule of law in an area suddenly open to land grabs and profiteering.
The U.S., Britain and other industrial nations have pledged billions of dollars to support the Palestinian Authority's development of democratic institutions. The U.S. also is examining a new aid package for relocation of displaced Israeli settlers in the Galilee and Negev.
But as the region's pre-eminent outside power with unparalleled sway over Israel, and as an enormous donor to Middle Eastern governments, the U.S. finds its credibility very much at stake.
America's allies will watch "how successful the immediate aftermath is for the Palestinian Authority to get control of the Gaza Strip, keep some kind of rein on Hamas and begin to strengthen," Lewis said. "If that goes well, it will be a very encouraging sign for those friends of ours in the region who want us to be successful peacemakers, and it will encourage our allies like the Brits and French and others to play active roles in the next phase."
Despite the stakes, Bush has not embraced the peacemaker's role eagerly adopted by previous presidents, including Clinton, Carter and to a lesser extent George H.W. Bush.
"This goes to a much broader issue which predated the Gaza issue--does this administration believe that the pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian peace, or even the management of it, is one of their priorities? The answer to date is no,"
said Aaron David Miller, who has advised six secretaries of state on Middle Eastern affairs and served then-Secretary of State Colin Powell until January 2003.
Still, Dennis Ross, former envoy to the Middle East under Clinton, voiced confidence that the Gaza transfer would conclude peacefully.
But he said the U.S. must pursue follow-up commitments dictated by the U.S.-backed "road map" to peace, under which Palestinians are to curb violence and Israelis are to withdraw further from the West Bank.
"The administration has certainly cared about it, but not exposed itself in a way that would make this a major loss for the U.S. per se" should the Gaza withdrawal fail, Ross said. "Having said that, if this works out, you certainly can build something on it. But if it doesn't work out, you are pretty much out of business on this issue for the rest of the administration."
Role of silent partner
If this White House has avoided a "24/7" role in peace talks, Miller suggests, it has relied instead on "subcontractors" in the region. The administration has dispatched Army Lt. Gen. William Ward and Australian-born former World Bank President James Wolfensohn to help with Gaza.
Other Americans have worked hard behind the scenes as well. Stephen Cohen, a scholar with the U.S.-based Israel Policy Forum, helped negotiate a $14 million sale of Israeli-owned greenhouses in Gaza to a foundation that is transferring them to the Palestinians.
The success of American efforts in support of stability within areas newly controlled by the Palestinians will be closely watched throughout the Arab world, where the image of the U.S. has reached new lows since the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
"The United States right now is going through a difficult period in the Middle East, where there is a great deal of animosity toward the United States in the streets," Cohen said. "It's important now for the United States to be doing things to lower the level of hostility in the region, to be in the position to engage elements of the Arab world in a more important dialogue that would engender some respect."
In the aftermath of the Gaza withdrawal, Israel will face continuing pressure to meet commitments in the West Bank. Bush publicly has pressed Sharon to curtail expansion of settlements east of Jerusalem, but Sharon insists that development of such Israeli communities as Maaleh Adumim is essential to maintaining a contiguity between Israel and remaining settlements.
At the same time, experts caution against expecting too much too quickly. The Gaza withdrawal has stirred such unrest within Israel that Sharon will be preoccupied with his own political survival well into next year, they say. All this will be complicated by elections by the Palestinians and Israelis next year.
But it will be important for the U.S. to use its power in the region to ensure that the Gaza withdrawal is the beginning of a process, not the end, analysts say.
The onus is on the US
Success in Gaza could give Bush big lift in region
Chicago Tribune
By Mark Silva Washington Bureau
(This is a misleading headline because the article really points how difficult the tasks is.)
Though the withdrawal of settlers from the Gaza Strip poses a test of Israeli resolve and Palestinian restraint, it also presents a risk and an opportunity to the Bush administration, eagerly seeking a success in its much-criticized Middle East policy.
If Gaza establishes itself as even moderately stable and functional, it could help validate President Bush's approach and set the stage for a greater U.S. push for peace. But if it devolves into a dysfunctional terrorist breeding ground, it could greatly complicate U.S. efforts in the Middle East and further damage American credibility in the Arab world.
"Anything that comes out of this which is chaotic, or which results in another intifada, or a breakdown in a serious effort toward Palestinian independence in the Gaza inevitably will be seen as an American defeat as well as an Israeli action--certainly in Arab parts of the world," said Samuel Lewis, longtime U.S. ambassador to Israel under Presidents Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan. "It would imply that any attempt to start a two-state solution, in the near future at least, is seriously doomed."
Bush from the outset has taken a relatively hands-off approach in the Middle East, partly as a reaction to the deep involvement of former President Bill Clinton, who some believe became too enmeshed in the region's messy complexities.
At the same time, Bush has assured allies such as British Prime Minister Tony Blair that he is as interested in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as he was in invading Iraq. But many in the Arab world believe Bush has been overly solicitous of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
Even marginal success in Gaza would go a long way toward answering those criticisms. A functioning Gaza would be a rare symbol of progress in the region instead of another hotspot requiring American attention at a time the U.S. is urgently trying to wind down the war in Iraq and combat terrorism elsewhere in the world.
"I can understand why people think this decision is one that will create a vacuum into which terrorism will flow," Bush said in a recent interview with Israeli television. "I happen to disagree. I think this will create an opportunity for democracy to emerge."
Israel, analysts say, bears the burden of not only fulfilling its promise of withdrawing from Gaza, but also of following through on withdrawals in parts of the West Bank and controlling the expansion of existing settlements. The Israelis also are responsible, some say, for giving the Palestinians breathing room to create a viable economy and government.
Palestinian Authority's load
And the Palestinian Authority bears the burden of preventing militant groups such as Hamas from disrupting the pullout, while swiftly establishing order and the rule of law in an area suddenly open to land grabs and profiteering.
The U.S., Britain and other industrial nations have pledged billions of dollars to support the Palestinian Authority's development of democratic institutions. The U.S. also is examining a new aid package for relocation of displaced Israeli settlers in the Galilee and Negev.
But as the region's pre-eminent outside power with unparalleled sway over Israel, and as an enormous donor to Middle Eastern governments, the U.S. finds its credibility very much at stake.
America's allies will watch "how successful the immediate aftermath is for the Palestinian Authority to get control of the Gaza Strip, keep some kind of rein on Hamas and begin to strengthen," Lewis said. "If that goes well, it will be a very encouraging sign for those friends of ours in the region who want us to be successful peacemakers, and it will encourage our allies like the Brits and French and others to play active roles in the next phase."
Despite the stakes, Bush has not embraced the peacemaker's role eagerly adopted by previous presidents, including Clinton, Carter and to a lesser extent George H.W. Bush.
said Aaron David Miller, who has advised six secretaries of state on Middle Eastern affairs and served then-Secretary of State Colin Powell until January 2003.Still, Dennis Ross, former envoy to the Middle East under Clinton, voiced confidence that the Gaza transfer would conclude peacefully.
But he said the U.S. must pursue follow-up commitments dictated by the U.S.-backed "road map" to peace, under which Palestinians are to curb violence and Israelis are to withdraw further from the West Bank.
"The administration has certainly cared about it, but not exposed itself in a way that would make this a major loss for the U.S. per se" should the Gaza withdrawal fail, Ross said. "Having said that, if this works out, you certainly can build something on it. But if it doesn't work out, you are pretty much out of business on this issue for the rest of the administration."
Role of silent partner
If this White House has avoided a "24/7" role in peace talks, Miller suggests, it has relied instead on "subcontractors" in the region. The administration has dispatched Army Lt. Gen. William Ward and Australian-born former World Bank President James Wolfensohn to help with Gaza.
Other Americans have worked hard behind the scenes as well. Stephen Cohen, a scholar with the U.S.-based Israel Policy Forum, helped negotiate a $14 million sale of Israeli-owned greenhouses in Gaza to a foundation that is transferring them to the Palestinians.
The success of American efforts in support of stability within areas newly controlled by the Palestinians will be closely watched throughout the Arab world, where the image of the U.S. has reached new lows since the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
"The United States right now is going through a difficult period in the Middle East, where there is a great deal of animosity toward the United States in the streets," Cohen said. "It's important now for the United States to be doing things to lower the level of hostility in the region, to be in the position to engage elements of the Arab world in a more important dialogue that would engender some respect."
In the aftermath of the Gaza withdrawal, Israel will face continuing pressure to meet commitments in the West Bank. Bush publicly has pressed Sharon to curtail expansion of settlements east of Jerusalem, but Sharon insists that development of such Israeli communities as Maaleh Adumim is essential to maintaining a contiguity between Israel and remaining settlements.
At the same time, experts caution against expecting too much too quickly. The Gaza withdrawal has stirred such unrest within Israel that Sharon will be preoccupied with his own political survival well into next year, they say. All this will be complicated by elections by the Palestinians and Israelis next year.
But it will be important for the U.S. to use its power in the region to ensure that the Gaza withdrawal is the beginning of a process, not the end, analysts say.
Posted by Ted Belman at August 18, 2005 09:17 AM