Raising the Next Generation of Diplomats

Raising the Next Generation of Diplomats

By Omri Ceren

This post began as a comment on a different post, in which Ted discussed the merits of Prof. Francisco Gil-White's theories on US policy towards Israel. In general, Prof. Gil-White believes that pathological hatred for Jews goes back to ancient times, when it first emerged as an unwanted call of conscience in Western civilization. He then spins the subsequent course of human history around this central drive. We've expressed skepticism about the broad arch of his theories before, but in this case Ted zeroed in on Prof. Gil-White's quite limited and far more tenable evidence of actual, provable State Department bias. The subsequent post and extremely active discussion are a testament to how credible even the wildest conspiracy theories can be when lined up next to the consistently anti-Israel policies that emerge from Foggy Bottom.

Just as Prof. Gil-White's analysis of the State Department is but the application of his more general conspiracy theorizing, our concern with that analysis is just an application of our concern with his conspiracy theorizing. We don't believe that State Department employees get up in the morning looking for ways to undermine Israel's security. Rather, the sometimes almost surreal State Department obtuseness regarding the Middle East peace process - pressuring Israel to let Hamas run in the Palestinian elections and then realizing they made a mistake - is a result of much more subtle and entrenched bureaucratic norms. We've included some of the original comment - with much more analysis as to the nature of these norms - after the jump.

But far more importantly, if Prof. Gil-White really is mistaken, then it's not his theories that are in error. The solutions suggested by those theories are far more important than the theory itself. If he's right and there are large groups of US diplomats intentionally trying to destroy Israel every day, then the best way to correct misguided US policies is to expose those groups. But if the dynamic is more subtle - if it's the result of years and years of quotidian practices that have become an institutional sensibility - then no amount of storming the towers is going to help. If State Department bias is more entrenched but less sinister than Prof. Gil-White proposes, then sweeping, dramatic proposals are unlikely to be ultimately helpful. What we end up proposing instead is a kind of for conservative diplomats...

I take it as an article of faith that nothing which can be explained by incompetence should ever be ascribed to malice. There is such a thing as institutional memory, especially in the halls of Foggy Bottom. Practices and sensibilities are incubated and enforced by everything from eye-rolling of friends in hallways to the body language of superiors during meetings to the promotion of like-minded deputies in offices.

That the United States has an a vaguely pro-Arab and anti-Israel policy is far better explained by reference to norms that describe ‘dispassionate analysis’ and ‘diplomatic respectability’ than it is by invoking some sort of age-old, psychological desire to exterminate Israel. No one at the State Dept. wakes up and says "I'm going to try to destroy Israel today". Rather, ingrained assumptions about how an analyst acts, what leaders are given a wide berth, what priorities should be triaged, etc all contribute to a climate inhospitable to Israeli interests. During the Cold War, it might have made sense for the United States to sacrifice Israel in order to win Arab backing. It would have been immoral, but it might have made sense. And so State Department conventional wisdom solidified. But in an age of global Islamist terrorism, US interests and Israeli interests align - conventional wisdom at the State Department just hasn’t caught up yet.

This explanation certainly explains the inconsistency of US policy better than Prof. Gil-White's does. It can account for such inconsistency as a function of the relative access that the State Department had to the Oval Office in various administrations. For instance - why have we seen more US pressure on Israel during the last few years compared to 2000-2004? Because Secretary Rice is much closer to President Bush than Secretary Powell was. These are credible explanations - using uncontroversial assumptions - that do at least as well a job explaining what Prof. Gil-White finds so troubling.

If this less grandiose but far more plausible theory is right - if it's not about agenda, but about sedimented institutional practices - then the solutions being proposed will have to be rethought. Rather than radical political change, those who think that the State Department is misguided have much slower and more painstaking work ahead of them. Future leaders have to be instilled with two elements: (a) a clear understanding of the concrete situation in the world, (b) an understanding of diplomatic practice, and (c) the thick skin to resist Foggy Bottom's subtle Leftward pull. Future diplomats must be incubated in the same way that conservatives incubated future Supreme Court justices – they must be familiar with knowledge about the world, they must have an understanding of how that knowledge is produced, and they must be equipped with the ability to defend their beliefs.

Among other things, this task will require reorienting conservative campus leadership from its current, ‘activist’ obsession. Crudely: modern liberal campus activism predated conservative leadership movements - so at the beginning, campus activism was Leftist activism. By the mid-1970s, that essentially meant moral exhibitionism - seeing and being seen shouting in the streets. When modern conservative and Jewish leadership programs arrived (again, crudely, on the heels of the New Right), they mostly tried to beat liberal activists at their own game – marching and demonstrating. The critical exception to this rule came in the form of institutional, party activism – Young Republicans. While self-styled and self-aware Leftist activists were in the streets, Ralph Reed and Newt Gingrich were plotting in cafeterias and Sam Alito and John Roberts were sitting in libraries. Today, these young Republicans are slowly advancing at the glacial pace of bureaucratic institutions – first the House (change every two years), then the Senate and Presidency (change every four years), now the Supreme Court (change only when someone retired from a life appointment). Changing the institutional practices of entrenched bureaucracies will take even longer – there, when someone retires from what is essentially a life appointment, you can't just appoint someone new - the person who was the last person's deputy steps in. It's impossible to just replace people at the top of a bureaucracy - institutions simply don't work like that.

This is not some sort of Machiavellian scheme. But in order to change the institutional practices of the halls of power, future leaders have to know that there are actual people walking those halls and that those people believe certain things for certain basically well-meaning but fundamentally misguided. The cocooning self-referentiality of typical campus politics has to be abandoned in favor of difficult study and nuanced understandings. Gratifying posturing sessions and eye-rolling will not change career diplomatcs.

Posted by Omri Ceren at January 4, 2006 10:04 AM

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Comments

1. BobW said:

There's really no such thing as "misguided US policies", thus exposing any group(s) is a continuing matter of routine.

The United States was established by political compromises. Civil war nearly started in 1832 when President Andy Jackson sent the US Navy to Fort Sumpter, South Carolina to stop an effort to "nullify" federal tariffs. This was the same Fort Sumpter where America's Civil War started (as a benchmark).

The US State Department started to lose its influence circa the 1930s when the War Department started developing institutional political and economic knowledge. General Stillwell's cables to Washington, D.C, circa the 1930s from China is a good reference point. Stillwell's material identified more challenges and threats to US overseas interests, in a more timely manner, than the State Department's parallel operations. Stillwell was in the field and the US diplomats were not.

President Bush recently (partially) closed down the US Embassy system when laws and regulations were implemented to allow US military forces to operate in foreign areas WITHOUT the knowledge of the US Ambassador in the area of jurisdiction.

In 1917, when London issued the Balfour Declaration and asked for US endorsement, President Wilson asked Secretary of State Robert Lansing for his opinion. Lansing recommend against endorsement because:

"Many Christian sects and individuals would undoubtly resent turning the Holy Land over to the absolute control of the race credited with the death of Christ..."
JERUSALEM POST INTERNATIONAL 22 March 97, "The Jerusalem hoax" by Shmuel Katz

In current times, the Rosetta Stone is the several financial markets involved with the oil trade. Glance at the New York Mercantile Exchange and their futures market as one key.

The real immediate enemy of the Jews is not the Arabs. They've always been around. Look closer at the Yevsektzia. Don't worry about the State Department. In less than one generation those Foggy people will be retired living closer to poverty than us.

Kol tuv,
BobW

Posted by: BobW on January 4, 2006 11:20 AM

2. Bill Narvey said:

Omri Ceren’s intelligent, articulate and well informed analysis explaining why the American Government, taking the lead from its State Department displays what he calls a slight pro-Arab anti-Israel bias, seems more grounded than Prof. Gill-White’s.

I do not agree however that American policy vis a vis Israel, Arabs and Palestinians is influenced only by a subtle bureaucratically entrenched leftist pull on the minds of those bureaucrats and elected representatives who contribute to greater and lesser extents, in determining American policy.

American foreign policy is influenced and probably moreso by less subtle and more pressing factors.

The expressions, “no man is an island” and “it can get lonely at the top”, give some sense of America’s strongly felt need of allies to advance its foreign policy interests politically, economically, and militarily.

In terms of the American declared war on (formerly terror) radical Islam, America has sought to draw allies from both Western and Muslim nations. Regarding its desire to play a leading role in bringing about peace between Israel and Palestinians, it has assiduously garnered support for its Road Map to peace just as it had with every other peace initiative since the first Oslo accord.

Many of those nations that America has sought support from in its various policies regarding radical Islam and its Israel-Palestinian peace initiatives, be they Muslim nations or European nations, have expressed anti-Semitic and anti-Israel views, some more openly than others and for some, anti-Semitism is what drives their foreign policy decisions when it comes to issues involving Israel.

In forging alliances with such nations, America has sought to make accommodations where they can, while at the same time straining credulity by declaring that they have not compromised, their longstanding policy of balancing support for Israel and recognizing Arab interests.

The Bush administration, recognizes full well Muslim sensibilities when it comes to its war on radical Islam and it goes way out of its way to ingratiate itself into the hearts of the American Muslim community and to assure the Muslim world that radical Islam is not what Islam is about. One does not have to look too closely to recognize that radical Islam is the Wahabbi version of Islam of Saudi Arabia that the Saudis are globally promoting and supporting. The best one might say of it is that it is the right wing of Wahabiism if one wishes to draw distinctions. That would be a distinction without a difference.

Similarly, the Bush administration in playing its role of honest broker, is exceedingly cautious about not appearing to take sides between Israel over Palestinians. Any mis-step by America that favors Israel is met with almost universal condemnation by America’s allies and any mis-step that favors Palestinians is met with almost universal praise and applause. America is no different than anyone else. Praise and applause is much preferable so the lean would be to favour Palestinians.

Still another factor that the Bush administration recognizes and must contend with in pursuit of allies is the influence of the world oil economy on the thinking of the EU and others and that those nations fear they will jeopardize their own economic interests if they should take positions vis a vis Israel that will infuriate their Muslim benefactors or for that matter their very own Muslim communities as is now being witnessed in European capitals.

Another is that OPEC nations hold a sizeable mortgage on America and as noted before, Muslim thin skinned sensibilities being what they are, the last thing America wants is for their mortgagees to start calling in loans.

Yet another factor weighing into the mix is that the Bush administration has for the last year been taking a lot of heat at home and abroad for having gone to war in Iraq. Some of that criticism is deserved and some disingenuous. Nonetheless, Bush’s approval ratings have fallen in the polls and he needed a boost.

On the theory that nothing succeeds like success, C. Rice pressured Israel into an imprudent bargain with the Palestinians in the form of the Rafah agreement, which did not even call for Palestinians going after terrorists.

Though Rice basked in the glory of the moment of proclaiming that the Bush administration had moved the parties one step closer to peace along the Road Map, it did little to help Bush’s approval ratings, but did do much to harm Israel’s interests.

Like any agreement that is unfair to one side, there is a great risk it will unravel and that is what appears to be happening to the Rafah agreement and indeed the Bush Road Map to peace. The Palestinians once again however are showing their true colors and giving Israel more than enough excuses to resile from the Rafah agreement. Still, the Rafah agreement forced on Israel by America, may have done some permanent damage by strengthening the notion that Palestinians are entitled to contiguity between Gaza and the West Bank once an independent Palestinian state comes to fruition, though there is great doubt it ever will.

In addition to these very real and immediate factors, anti-semitism plays some role in American government thinking both directly and indirectly.

Anti-semitism doubtless at least subtly plays out in the minds of some who walk the halls of power and some who comprise the State Department bureaucracy. Further anti-Semitism influences American foreign policy by the Bush administration, like previous American administrations, accommodating and appeasing anti-semitic nations to gain their support on matters that directly or indirectly impact on Israel and America’s relationship with Israel.

Omri’s view on what needs to be done to effect a change in bureaucratic and government thinking seems sensible enough when considering that matter from a general standpoint.
His advice however breaks down when going from the general to the specific.

Given the immediacy of the threat of radical Islam to not only America but to all of Western civilization and the ever clear and seemingly increasing danger to Israel which puts Israel's very existence at risk, far more effective advocacy and lobbying efforts to gain much needed support for Israel from both the public and government is desperately needed now in America as well as other Western nations.

Time to effect change in American government and bureaucratic thinking as well as in other Western nations, is a luxury Israel, Jews, their supporters and indeed Western civilization simply cannot afford.

Later could be just too late, not only for Israel which has already likely lost more ground and position than it should have for its security and future, but for Western civilization that has already undergone many changes and not good ones, because of radical Islams' war on the West.

Posted by: Bill Narvey on January 4, 2006 07:36 PM

3. Dan Barkye said:

Following in your footsteps, Omri, I comment here by copying part of my response to your comment in "US hidden goals", which now appears here as an article in itself, as you state. My comment is changed to reflect the subject of the stand-alone article.

So here it goes:

"There's a well defined position of pol sci pundits that the 'personal' is at least as influential to the policy making process as the 'impersonal', the objective pts of view in deciding such policies, to say that the policy, in whatever level and direction, is colored by so many personal whims and factors. Omri took this pt ad extremis, almost, and for that matter, in a very eloquent manner. I beg to differ. I'll explain the accepted view of policy making (which I'm sure is known to many here).

When all is said and done, the objective takes the upper hand. There should be no questions about that, otherwise the nation is imperilled and this is unacceptable. Yes, there are ups and downs in this or that measure, in this or that policy, but no one can tip the "objective" to the personal to the pt of endangering the well-being of the nation. Yes, there were grave mistakes in the history of too many nations, but all started w an objectively defined policy, not personal. I'm not talking of "L'etat c'est moi" by Louis xvi (?), I talk about the modern times.

This means that once the aims and the goals of the nation are set, then the decisions are made, and the machine is put in motion to implement them.

The aims and the goals of the nation are defined by their relative import to its well-being and to ensure its existence. Those are, schematically put and in order of importance, existential needs/goals, important ones, and regular needs.

If what I describe as an objective process of policy making is indeed the norm, can any one imagine a personal whim, fancy, caprice, or impulse, or a geographical/physical proximity and access to the President, taking the lead as *the* policy making pointers? I, for one, find it hard to believe, much more to make of it a policy making starter of my own. If I were a policy maker, I'd try to find the goals and aims of the nation in question and discern what should follow from it as the overt or covert official policy, and this is how IntServ work. Of course they take in consideration personal factors but only to a measure, not as the rolling ground for it."

If I'm correct, and I believe I am, then two conclusions are obvious:

- The decision-taking process reflects a deeper and more long-term policy, b/c of the nations goals, aims and needs.

therefore:

- The decision-taking process is of a more, much more objective nature, than same process performed after a pigmentation of it through personal parameters of whatever kind. This happens, to be sure, but in a measure that does not, and is not allowed, to influence it.

Posted by: Dan Barkye on January 4, 2006 08:16 PM

4. Rev. John D. Shook said:

Reading the above posters gives you the inclination to believe they came directly from the State Dept.. Since when has it become anathema to tell the truth instead of couching lies under the label of diplomacy? Friends do not sell their friends down the tube for their own benefit. Such as Bush, Sharon and the Quartet are doing to Israel. Bush believes in Replacement Theology, Sharon doesn't believe in anything but himself and the rest of the quartet hate the Jews with a passion.
Now for the solution: Give the Arabs ten days to exit Israel from the River of Egypt to the Great River Euphrates and if they don't then carpet bomb them into the pits of Hell and take back all the land of Canaan and hold it till Hell freezes over and this equals problem solved because one Jew plus Hashem equals a majority.

Posted by: Rev. John D. Shook on January 5, 2006 08:55 AM

5. Dan Barkye said:

Dear Rev, John D. Shook, I am flattered to the depth of my beings by your lauds and convictions re Israel and its children, truly so, no kidding. However, let me, pls, beg to differ as to one pt in your post: It is not anathema to say the truth, on the contrary, but it so happens that I do not agree w Omri, and this, for the reasons that I cared to detail.

That said, thank you for your support and may God bless you, we need everyone.

Posted by: Dan Barkye on January 5, 2006 02:26 PM

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